Cote d’Ivoire: Ouattara’s Former Child Soldiers Evolve into Vicious Criminals, M. Frindéthié

gang des microbes

“My name is H.T. I am a shoeshine boy. I belong to the gang of the Crazy Microbes. We mainly operate around the bus station of Abobo. During the civil war, the rebels recruited many of us from the street and outfitted us with weapons so we can fight on their side. Those of us who were too young to carry arms served as informers. Today, we mug unsuspecting passers-by to feed ourselves. Sometimes, we work as dock-hands to purchase drugs. Many among us would like to return to their parents, but they no longer know where to find them. Others just refuse to go back home.”

In this stunning confession published last Wednesday in Le Mandat, a paper close to the party in power, a teenager from Cote d’Ivoire explains how he and many other kids like him have morphed from former child soldiers of Alassane Ouattara’s rebel army to violent criminals. “The gang of the Microbes” is just one of several violent gangs of former child soldiers in Abidjan; others being the “the Machete gang” and “The Vonvons.” In the last few months, their activities have increased in intensity and violence. These former child soldiers turned gangsters are responsible for scores of brutal robberies and sadistic killings in Abidjan. Today, as the chickens have come home to roost, the very people who once sowed the seed of violence into these children in order to better exploit them for political power are now unable to contain them.

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Open Letter to Mr. Raila Odinga, Imminent Loser of the Kenyan Presidential Election, M. Frindéthié

Raila Odinga's coalition demands recount as rival Uhuru Kenyatta takes lead

Raila Odinga’s coalition demands recount as rival Uhuru Kenyatta takes lead

Dear Mr. Odinga

Rumor has it that you have been asking for a recount, because you believe that the vote tally that makes you a prospective loser of the presidential election in Kenya was rigged with irregularities. As I heard the reports of your “bizarre” request, I was not sure whether to laugh or cry; for the Raila Odinga I recall would have considered the word “recount” to be cause for heresy. Where you not among the fiercest detractors of President Gbagbo in 2010, when he made the same appeal for recount on account of the massive frauds evidenced during the presidential election in Cote d’Ivoire? Have you not called for an international army to dislodge President Gbagbo from his palace and deport him to the ICC rather than go through the more peaceable process of vote verification he was demanding? You must think of yourself as a very exceptional human being to believe that your verity only applies to others, but not to you. And, as you are now stirring the muddy waters of ethnic conflicts, suggesting in hardly veiled terms that a refusal by the election commission to recount the vote could “agitate [your] supporters,” I am thinking that you must, indeed, be very assured of your extraordinary global relations to think that any trouble you generate will indubitably be placed entirely on the shoulders of Mr. Uhuru Kenyatta, your rival. Mr. Odinga, do the right thing and listen to your own axiom. Don’t be a sore loser.

Tortures et Crimes de guerre ; l’excuse de Soro Guillaume, M. Frindéthié

Dans une interview qu’il a accordée le 30 octobre dernier, Soro Guillaume, du haut de sa pénétration lilliputienne qui préside l’Assemblée nationale du régime génocidaire, s’est exprimé obliquement sur les rapports accablants d’Amnesty International et de la Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de l’homme : Tout va bien dans le meilleur des mondes. L’avenir est radieux. Il n’y a pas de raison de s’alarmer outre mesure, car les tortures et les crimes de guerre constituent le mal nécessaire de l’apprentissage de la démocratie. Et vlan ! Après les élucubrations de Gnénéma, de Nabané et de Paul Koffi Koffi, arrive un quatrième naloman  qui veut nous inviter à danser au rythme de sa darbouka génocidaire.

 Il ne reste plus que la prestation d’Ahmed Bakayoko pour clore le bal des tortionnaires. Mais celui-là, il a préféré une autre méthode, la formule appréciée par les fins dictateurs africains comme Bokassa, Compaoré et Ouattara. Ahmed, lui, il a choisi de se faire photographier à côté d’un « Grand Blanc ». Une photo avec un « Grand Blanc » de la « France des droits de l’homme », ça efface les crimes, sanctifie les autocraties, et purifie l’air de tous les effluves cadavériques  qui flotte à Génocidoland. Aussi, Ahmed Bakayoko a-t-il choisi de poser avec Manuel Valls, le ministre de l’intérieur de Hollande. Ah, si seulement Jack Abramoff était encore disponible ! Peut-être que pour 9 petits millions de dollars il nous aurait fait une place devant la cheminée de la Maison Blanche, près d’Obama qui vient de se faire réélire.

Rapports Accablants d’Amnesty International, de La FIDH et des Etats-Unis ; Amadou Soumahoro répond : Ce n’est pas nous. C’est Gbagbo, M. Frindéthié

Après Gnénéma Coulibaly et Bruno Nabagné, c’est au tour d’Amadou Soumahoro d’égrener son chapelet d’élucubrations. Acculé par Amnesty International et la Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de l’homme pour crimes graves contre l’humanité, le régime génocidaire de Dramane Ouattara n’a trouvé d’autre parade que de, ou bien nier tout en bloc, ou bien rejeter ses crimes sur le président Gbagbo. Aussi, Amadou Soumahoro, le belliqueux secrétaire général du RDR, celui-là même qui a appelé à la bastonnade des membres du FPI au meeting de Yopougon, et qui a instigué l’attaque du camp des réfugiés de Nahibly, le très combattif Amadou Soumahoro qui traite les opposants au régime génocidaire de « cafards à éradiquer », et qui appelle ouvertement à « l’envoi au cimetière » de toute personne s’opposant à Dramane Ouattara, a hululé hier que les atteintes aux droits de l’homme dont est accusé le régime Ouattara (tortures par électrocution et brulures au plastique fondu, kidnappings, rançonnements, exécutions sommaires) ne les concernent pas, sont plutôt perpétrées par des miliciens étrangers à la solde de Gbagbo. Dans sa logique d’aveuglément, de déni compulsionnel, et d’irrationalité, Amadou Soumahoro a réitéré son soutien à la politique génocidaire de Dramane Ouattara et a invité le Boucher d’Abidjan à continuer son programme d’exécutions ethnocides plutôt que de revenir à la raison. Dans leur folie hitlérienne, les grands dictateurs ont toujours eu à leur service des flagorneurs batteurs de tambours exaltés de la trempe d’Amadou Soumahoro. Amadou Soumahoro est soit fondamentalement stupide soit très affamé pour n’avoir d’oreilles que pour les borborygmes de son estomac et non pour le bon sens.

La Fédération Internationale des ligues des Droits de l’Homme (FIDH) corrobore le rapport d’Amnesty International accusant le régime Ouattara de détentions illégales, de tortures et de disparitions forcées en Côte d`Ivoire (FIDH)

ABIDJAN – La Fédération internationale des ligues des droits de l`Homme (FIDH) a dénoncé mardi l`existence de lieux de détention illégaux et des cas de disparitions forcées et de torture en Côte d`Ivoire, affirmant avoir enregistré des « dizaines » de violations des droits de l`Homme.

Condamnant les attaques qui ont visé les forces de sécurité depuis août, la FIDH, avec le Mouvement ivoirien des droits humains (Midh) et la Ligue ivoirienne des droits de l`Homme (Lidho), regrette cependant que « ce climat de violence et de tension » ait « justifié le retour de l`armée dans le dispositif sécuritaire intérieur, ce qui a engendré de nouvelles violations des droits de l`Homme ».

« Des lieux de détention illégaux, des disparitions forcées, des arrestations arbitraires contre des demandes de rançon ou encore des cas de torture ont refait leur apparition de façon inquiétante, en particulier à Abidjan où les barrages de nuit sont quotidiens, le plus souvent illégaux et parfois menés par des hommes en tenues et en armes mais non-immatriculés », affirment ces ONG dans un communiqué.

« Nos organisations ont recensé plusieurs dizaines de cas de violations de ce type au cours des derniers mois », écrit la FIDH à l`issue d`une mission d`une quinzaine de jours dans le pays.

Amnesty International a affirmé le 26 octobre que plus de 200 personnes, dont des partisans de l`ex-président Laurent Gbagbo, ont été « arbitrairement détenues et torturées » dans le pays. L`organisation a appelé le chef de l`Etat Alassane Ouattara à « aller au-delà des promesses » sur le respect des droits de l`Homme.

Le ministre des Droits de l`Homme, Gnénéma Coulibaly, a reproché à Amnesty de « relativiser la portée des attaques meurtrières » des derniers mois, défendu l`engagement du gouvernement contre l`impunité et s`est dit ouvert à « toutes les enquêtes nécessaires ».

Le régime Ouattara s`est installé à l`issue d`une crise postélectorale (décembre 2010-avril 2011) qui a fait quelque 3.000 morts.

There is a genocide going on in Cote d’Ivoire, Martial Frindéthié

Imagine an ethnic community run out of its villages, its fields, and its places of worship by a ruthless tribal army and a coldblooded ethnic militia supported by the government. Imagine thousands of children, youth, women, and elderly people from that autochthonous community mercilessly butchered by those ethnic legionnaires, who then occupy the homes, the lands, and the fields of their victims with the blessing of the government. Imagine the few remaining people from that persecuted community rounded up and parked in refugee camps by the United Nations, just a few yards from the places that used to be their villages, and which have now become the dwelling places of new settlers brought in by the tribal legionnaires. But even worse, imagine this: the brutal militias uncomfortable with facing the gazes of those they have deprived of their homes and lands decide to gradually get rid of them by undertaking unrestrained murderous incursions into the camps that shelter them, right under the incompetent watch of the UN forces that are theoretical protecting the banished populations.

This is no fiction. This is the lived reality of the people of Cote d’Ivoire, natives of Duékoué, now strangers, evacuees, and refugees in their own land, since April 2011, under the tribal regime of Dramane Ouattara, this presumptive “savior” of the Ivorians, the man for whose cause the “International Community” ordered a global firepower on Cote d’Ivoire on April 11, 2011. Here, on this site, we have repeatedly denounced the genocide, which reached its most feverish moment with the butchering on April 10, 2011, of more than 800 civilians by Ouattara’s army. Yet, the global powers that have supported Ouattara’s very problematic ascension still remain unmoved, as they have in Rwanda. To-day, more than 3000 have been killed by Ouattara’s ethnic militias.

The latest occurrence of the programmatic extermination of the took place on July 20, 2012, when Ouattara’s ethnic militias, escorted by Ouattara’s army (FRCI) and some traditional Malinke hunters (Dozos), forced their way into the 5000-people refugee camps of Nahibly, burnt down 90% of the camp’s infrastructures, massacred 13 refugees and wounded scores of others, right under the noses of the UN blue berets. The reason for this barbarous incursion? The Northern Malinke populations who had flocked to Duékoué on tacit invitation by Ouattara’s army to occupy the lands of the community after the April 10, 2011 massacre, had decided to conduct a punitive expedition against refugees whom they suspected of hiding a gang of robbers that had killed 4 innocent Malinke the previous night. So, escorted by Ouattara’s tribal armies, the Malinke raided the UN refugee camp in a killing frenzy.

Since the July 20 murderous incursion against the refugees, the United Nations’ mission in Cote d’Ivoire (UNOCI) and Ouattara’s government have been engaged in accountability ping pong: For UNOCI number 2 officer Arnauld Akodjénou, the security of the Nahibly camp should be the responsibility of Ouattara’s army, the very tribal army that was repeatedly cited by several human right organizations for carrying out carnages on the ; the very army that escorted the barbarous throng into the camp on July 20. For Ouattara’s defense minister, Paul Koffi Koffi, the camp was to be secured by UNOCI, the organization that saw the necessity for its conception.

This apparent lack of responsibility elucidation between Ouattara’s government and the United Nations mission in Cote d’Ivoire is actually the well-thought pièce maîtresse of the logic of organized chaos which, under the guise of ignorance of clear directives, gives Ouattara carte blanche to implement his political program based on what he unapologetically names “rattrapage ethnique,” a sort of Hitlerian cleansing project meant to privilege people of a certain ethnic background and eliminate those who do not fit the criteria of ethnic selection. Ouattara’s privileged are the Malinke populations from Northern Cote d’Ivoire, from whose bosom he has been claiming appurtenance since the 1990s, despite evidence to the contrary. The sickening complicity between Ouattara and the UNOCI has been abundantly documented here and elsewhere. It is now no secret that the UNOCI has supplied weapons and logistics to Ouattara’s militias during the Ivorian crisis; some blue berets were even caught on camera fighting alongside Ouattara’s army. In the thrust of this repulsive collusion, the UNOCI has certainly conceded to Ouattara that time is not yet ripe for a full-fledged hands-on society; that a necessary level of human right abuse and praetorian violence would be needed to rid the country of remaining “pro-Gbagbo fanatics;” which explains the UNOCI’s participation in the various raids on the western countryside presumably targeting Liberian mercenaries still fighting for Gbagbo, raids that have actually served as pretexts for “disinfecting the West of its population,” to use this imbecile allegory by Ouattara’s party leader Amadou Soumahoro.

So, this latest act of barbarity perpetrated against the is not a chance occurrence. It is an act that fits within Ouattara’s Hitlerian scheme, the aim of which is to exterminate the and colonize their lands with new populations. In doing so, Ouattara hopes to kill two birds with one stone. Firstly, he hopes to reward one of his greatest sponsors, Burkinabe dictator Blaise Compaoré, by making many Burkinabes the owners of the fertile cocoa belt of Cote d’Ivoire that has been the traditional dwelling place of the people. Being the custodian of productive lands and a seaport has always been the reverie of delusional Compaoré, who has never hidden his desire to annex the Ivorian seaport of San Pédro as a war trophy in the early 2000s. It is against the promise made by Ouattara to supply his constituencies with fertile lands in Cote d’Ivoire and allow him privileged access to the San Pédro seaport that Compaoré sent carloads of Burkinabes to rebel-held northern towns of Cote d’Ivoire before the 2010 presidential election to inflate the electoral list in favor of Ouattara. It is these Burkinabe who, henceforward outfitted with forged Ivorian documents and mixed with the original Northern populations of Cote d’Ivoire living in Duekoue, carry now the convenient appellation of Malinké. It is these smuggled populations from Burkina Faso that, Ouattara hopes, will help him reach out to his second goal of ensuring a 2015 electoral victory, as lingers the prospect of the collapse of the sucker alliance he passed with Konan Bedie’s PDCI.

Indeed, only one year after the political crisis that saw the deaths of tens of thousands of Ivorians, Ouattara’s government announced in June 2012 that the Ivorian population, which was around 20 million before the war, has now increased to 26 millions: a six-million population increase in only one year. Unbelievable! In fact, this fanciful indicator reflects the millions of Burkinabe that Ouattara and Compaore have smuggled into Cote d’Ivoire before the 2010 presidential elections, elections that have witnessed the most flagrant cases of massive frauds ever recorded in the 21st Century. In some areas where Ouattara scored more than 98%, the number of voters surpassed the actual population counts. Having blatantly cheated against Gbagbo, Ouattara has later cheated during the 2011 legislative elections against the other parties of the RHDP bloc with whom he had hitherto passed an alliance to “defeat” Gbagbo. Those parties, and especially Bedie’s PDCI and Anaky’s MFA, are set to break the alliance in 2015 and present their own candidates against Ouattara. Ouattara knows it. And to counter them, he has started habituated the Ivorian people to the lie that the country’s population has increased by six million people. Six million Burkinabe set to vote for him in 2015. Six million Burkinabe that Ouattara must reward for their services. Six millions Burkinabe that must be found fertile lands on the territories of those who were among the most fervent supporters of Gbagbo, the . Six million for whom the Wes must disappear from their ancestral lands. To accommodate the millions of Burkinabe who are progressively moving in to take the place of the , In order to accommodate these substitutes, Ouattara’s parliament is considering a land reform whose language will stipulate that the land belongs to he who enhances it. A running , a hiding , a that has surrendered his land for fear of being butchered is an absent , and certainly not a that is enhancing his land; whereas a present Burkinabe working on the ’s ancestral land is a Burkinabe, pardon, a Malinké that is enhancing the land. The land belongs to he who enhances it, not to he who flees from it. Ouattara’s programmatic extermination of the people has only started, and it will carry on unless …