Avril 2011-avril 2014: Retour sur le génocide d’Alassane Dramane Ouattara

Cet homme est un criminel de guerre

Cet homme est un criminel de guerre



Former Guatemala dictator Rios Montt convicted of genocide

Reuters/Reuters - Former Guatemalan dictator Efrain Rios Montt (C) attends the last session of his genocide trial at the Supreme Court of Justice in Guatemala City May 10, 2013. REUTERS/Jorge Dan Lopez

Reuters/Reuters – Former Guatemalan dictator Efrain Rios Montt (C) attends the last session of his genocide trial at the Supreme Court of Justice in Guatemala City May 10, 2013. REUTERS/Jorge Dan Lopez

By Mike McDonald

GUATEMALA CITY (Reuters) – Former Guatemalan dictator Efrain Rios Montt was found guilty on Friday of genocide and crimes against humanity during the bloodiest phase of the country’s 36-year civil war and was sentenced to 80 years in prison.

Hundreds of people who were packed into the courtroom burst into applause, chanting, « Justice! » as Rios Montt received a 50-year term for the genocide charge and an additional 30 years for crimes against humanity.

It was the first time a former head of state had been found guilty of genocide in his or her own country.

Rios Montt, now 86, took power after a coup in 1982 and was accused of implementing a scorched-earth policy in which troops massacred thousands of indigenous villagers thought to be helping leftist rebels. He proclaimed his innocence in court.

« I feel happy. May no one else ever have to go through what I did. My community has been sad ever since this happened, » said Elena de Paz, an ethnic Maya Ixil who was two years old in 1983 when soldiers stormed her village, killed her parents and burned her home.

Prosecutors say Rios Montt turned a blind eye as soldiers used rape, torture and arson to try to rid Guatemala of leftist rebels during his 1982-1983 rule, the most violent period of a 1960-1996 civil war in which as many as 250,000 people died.

He was tried over the killings of at least 1,771 members of the Maya Ixil indigenous group, just a fraction of the number who died during his rule.

A throng outside the court chanted « Justice! Justice! » when the guilty verdicts were handed down on Friday.

« They convicted him, they convicted him. I can’t believe it, » said Marybel Bustamante, whose brother was ‘disappeared,’ a euphemism for kidnapped and murdered, the day that Rios Montt took power.

The human rights group Amnesty International hailed it as the trial of the decade.


« He had full knowledge of everything that was happening and did not stop it, » Judge Yasmin Barrios, who presided over the trial, told a packed courtroom where Mayan women wearing colorful traditional clothes and head-dresses closely followed proceedings.

Nobel Peace Prize winner Rigoberta Menchu was among them.

« Today we are happy, because for many years it was said that genocide was a lie, but today the court said it was true, » she said.

Barrios called a hearing for Monday to discuss compensation for the victims of Rios Montt’s rule.

Rios Montt’s intelligence director, Jose Rodriguez Sanchez, also stood trial, but he was acquitted on both charges.

During the trial, which began on March 19, nearly 100 prosecution witnesses told of massacres, torture and rape by state forces. At one point, the trial hung in the balance when a dispute broke out between two judges over who should hear the case.

Rios Montt denied the charges in court on Thursday, saying he never ordered genocide and had no control over battlefield operations.

« I am innocent, » he told the courtroom, sporting thick glasses and a gray mustache. « I never had the intent to destroy any national ethnic group.

« I have never ordered genocide, » he added, saying he took over a « failing » Guatemala in 1982 that was completely bankrupt and full of « subversive guerrillas. »

Former U.S. President Ronald Reagan provided support for Rios Montt’s government and said in late 1982 that the dictator was getting a « bum rap » from rights groups for his military campaign against left-wing guerrillas during the Cold War.

He also once called Rios Montt « a man of great personal integrity ».

Defense attorneys said earlier they would appeal if Rios Montt was convicted. They argued that prosecution witnesses had no credibility, that specific ethnic groups were not targeted under Rios Montt’s 17-month rule and that the war pitted belligerents of the same ethnic group against one another.


Rios Montt has been under house arrest for more than a year. The right-wing party that he founded changed its name this year to distance itself from its past.

Guatemala’s civil war ended with peace accords signed in 1996 but the Central American nation remains a deeply divided society with very poor indigenous areas.

President Otto Perez, a former army general during the civil war, says he was part of a group of captains that stood up to Rios Montt.

Declassified U.S. documents from the civil war years suggest Perez was one of the Guatemalan army’s most progressive officers and that he played a key role in an ensuing peace process.

But Perez was himself implicated in war crimes during the trial when one prosecution witness testified that soldiers under his command had burned down homes and executed civilians during Rios Montt’s rule.

Perez has argued that genocide did not take place during the war, underlining the divisions that persist in Guatemala over the conflict, which pitted leftist insurgents against a string of right-wing governments.

Perez, who took office in 2012, is the first military man to run the country since the war ended, and rights groups were concerned he could interfere with human rights trials.

Courts in Guatemala have only recently begun prosecutions for atrocities committed during the conflict.

Until August 2011, when four soldiers received 6,060-year prison sentences for mass killings in the northern village of Dos Erres in 1982, no convictions had been handed down for massacres carried out during the war.

A judge who initially presided over pre-trial hearings cast a new shadow of doubt over the Rios Montt case on Friday when she confirmed a decision she had announced on April 18 to wind back proceedings to November 2011, and void all developments since then.

Prosecutors insist that decision is illegal and are preparing legal challenges to the ruling, while defense attorneys have argued that the decision is binding and the trial should never have proceeded.

(Writing by Simon Gardner; Editing by Kieran Murray, Peter Cooney and Paul Simao)

(Video) Nahibly After the Passage of Alassane Ouattara’s Death Squad, M. Frindéthié

NahiblyOn July 20, 2012, Alassane Dramane Ouattara’s ethnic militias, escorted by Ouattara’s army (FRCI) and some traditional Malinke hunters (Dozos), forced their way into the 5000-people refugee camp of Nahibly, burnt down 90% of the camp’s infrastructures, massacred 13 refugees and wounded scores of others, right under the noses of the UN blue berets. In the video below, two women who were able to escape the massacre are searching for their mother and children in the smoldering ashes of the ransacked camp.


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A l’occasion de la Journée de la Mémoire, la France de Sarkozy mélange les genres et décore des tueurs, Martial Frindéthié

Le 11 novembre en France a traditionnellement commémoré la guerre de 14-18 (appelée la Grande Guerre). Cette année, cependant, un an avant des élections françaises dont les sondages le donnent perdant, Sarkozy essaie un tour de main, un gros coup de relation publique qui mystifie toute la France, en proposant un format de commémoration qui recherche le consensus sur la mémoire française, en concentrant toutes les mémoires guerrières de la France en une seule mémoire homérique. La France de Sarkozy a décidé de faire du 11 novembre désormais la journée de la mémoire de tous les soldats français tombés sur les terres étrangères. Les interventions militaires françaises ces dernières années (au Congo, au Ruanda, et en Côte d’Ivoire, pour ne citer que celles-là) ressemblent plus à des boucheries génocidaires qu’à des guerres nobles. Et là-dessus, les historiens sont toujours à leurs plumes, qui sont loin d’accomplir leur travail de mémoire. Là-dessus, les pages blanches n’ont pas encore accouché de tous leurs secrets. Quel objectif la France de Sarkozy espère-t-elle atteindre en mélangeant torchons et serviettes, libérateurs de la première guerre européenne (14-18) et génocidaires de la Côte d’Ivoire, du Ruanda et du Congo alors qu’est encore tiède le sang de la boucherie que les soldats français ont accomplie dans ces pays africains? Taire la critique et étouffer l’examen de l’implication française en Afrique est ce que recherche Sarkozy. Faire en sorte, par ce tour de main pré-électoral, que toute réserve sur les interventions meurtrières de la France en Afrique revienne à une critique haineuse des « héros » de la Première Guerre. Sarkozy a finalement admis à la commémoration d’aujourd’hui qu’il y a eu une « bataille d’Abidjan », lui qui jusqu’alors soutenait mordicus que seules les forces rebelles de Ouattara avaient neutralisé les défenses du président Gbagbo. Qu’à cela ne tienne ! La France était-elle en guerre contre la Côte d’Ivoire où elle décima plus de 3000 âmes ? La France était-elle en guerre contre le Ruanda où elle faillit exterminer toute une ethnie? En quoi ces deux interventions doivent-elles s’apparenter aux batailles de la Guerre 14-18 sinon que par les hécatombes qu’elles générèrent ? En vérité, Sarkozy aura incarné jusqu’au bout la faillite de la morale française.

The « international community »always gets it after the event, M. Frindéthié

The “international community” likes to be moved after the event; this, we know. This is nothing new. While Jews where being massacred and burnt in masses in Germany, many tourists  were on vacation in Germany amidst the death-laden smells of the Holocaust, pretending to have nasal obstructions, until … While the French were organizing the Tutsi genocide in Rwanda and using the Rwandan hilly terrain as testing grounds for new military equipments, the Western world pretended to see and hear nothing, even applauded the French Operation Turquoise, which was in fact arming and fighting on the side of the Hutus against the Tutsis. Today, some new historicists are still trying to rewrite the history/story of the Rwandan genocide in such a way as to free the West’s conscience of any guilt.

For years now, we have been speaking and writing about the danger that Alassane Ouattara represented for Cote d’Ivoire and about the ethnic and religious war that he was manufacturing there in collaboration with his international business partners (see https://frindethie.wordpress.com/2010/12/24/understanding-the-origin-of-the-ivorian-crisis-m-frindethie/). For years now, we have been calling attention on the tens of thousands of Gbagbo followers that Ouattara has been slaughtering in Cote d’Ivoire and the ethnic cleansing that he has ordered in preparation for the protracted presidential elections. And yet, for years, the “international community” has insisted that Alassane Ouattara was the Messiah that would come and save the people of Cote d’Ivoire … until the 1000 massacred civilians of Duekoue (West Cote d’Ivoire) created some belated shudders.

However, the “international community” rarely admits fault. So, Ban Ki-Moon, the UN Secretary General, is now touring the world, trying to convince everyone that, indeed, the United Nations were right in their support of Ouattara, and that Ouattara is still “the Man”, that Duekoue is only an epiphenomenon. Ban Ki-Moon may be right that Duekoue is an epiphenomenon, for Ouattara has massacred tenfold Duekoue since 2002. Entire villages have been wiped out under Ouattara’s order. Generations of families have vanished under Ouattara’s loving care; and entire forests have now grown under the human compost that Ouattara’s hidden masse graves provided them. When the “international community” insists that Ouattara will be a “unifier”, what we hear is that, after Ouattara’s ethnic cleansing, a homogenized Ivorian society will not be difficult to bring together. The “international community” always builds monuments after the fact.