« La nature repousse, comme si rien ne s’était passé ici », Amnesty International

après le passage de la meute meurtrière de Dramane Ouattara

Le Camp de Nahibly après le passage de la meute meurtrière de Dramane Ouattara

Il y a un an, le 20 juillet 2012, une foule importante composée de membres de la population locale, de Dozos (une milice de chasseurs traditionnels soutenue par l’État) et d’éléments de l’armée ivoirienne ont attaqué et détruit le camp de personnes déplacées de Nahibly situé près de la ville de Duékoué, dans l’ouest de la Côte d’Ivoire (voir vidéo ci-dessous). Ce camp abritait à l’époque quelque 2 500 personnes. Les militaires et policiers des Nations unies présents sur les lieux n’ont pas mis un terme à cette attaque. Les responsables politiques et militaires locaux présents pendant l’attaque n’ont rien fait pour l’empêcher, ni pour protéger les personnes déplacées qui ont, pour certaines, été battues et tuées. Au contraire, des membres des forces armées, les Forces républicaines de Côte d’Ivoire (FRCI), ont arrêté des dizaines de personnes qui tentaient de fuir le camp ; un grand nombre d’entre elles ont été victimes de disparitions forcées et d’exécutions extrajudiciaires.

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https://frindethie.wordpress.com/2012/09/10/there-is-a-genocide-going-on-in-cote-divoire-martial-frindethie/

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Côte d’Ivoire: “It looks like nothing ever happened here”: Still no justice one year after Nahibly Camp attack

nahiblyOn 20 July 2012, Nahibly Camp, home to an estimated 2,500 internally displaced persons was attacked and destroyed by local townspeople, Dozos (a state-supported militia) and elements of the Ivorian army (see video below). UN soldiers and police personnel posted at the camp failed or were unable to stop the attack. One year later, the Ivorian authorities have made little progress in investigating crimes committed alongside the attack. Amnesty International remains concerned that the government has failed to hold any members of the armed forces or the Dozo militia accountable for violations committed, including crimes against humanity.

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Côte d’Ivoire: Revenge and repression under the pretence of ensuring security, Amnesty International

Nahibly Camp, in Cote d'Ivoire, a few hours after its destruction on 20 July 2012.

Nahibly Camp, in Cote d’Ivoire, a few hours after its destruction on 20 July 2012.

A repressive cycle of widespread human rights violations by the armed forces pursuing former President Laurent Gbagbo’s supporters is making reconciliation in Côte d’Ivoire ever more elusive, Amnesty International said in a report released today.

26 February 2013 The national army, set up by President Alassane Ouattara in order to integrate forces loyal to the former President in the wake of the 2010 post-election violence which led to nearly 3,000 deaths, was supposed to ensure “the safety of person and property without distinction” and “be a powerful instrument for national cohesion”.

But the truth behind this public gloss is that this new national army, along with an armed militia of traditional hunters – the Dozos – are carrying out extra-judicial executions, deliberate and arbitrary killings, politically motivated arrests and torture. They are acting with almost total impunity under the pretence of ensuring security and fighting against perpetrators of armed attacks.

“Côte d’Ivoire needs to break the cycle of abuse and impunity. Not a single member of the national army or any other supporter of President Alassane Ouattara has been held to account for their actions, representing an absolute failure to establish the rule of law and severely undermining the reconciliation process set up in July 2011,” said Gaëtan Mootoo, Amnesty International’s West Africa researcher.

In September and October 2012 an Amnesty International delegation visited a number of places of detention, including two unofficial ones. The delegates heard first hand testimonies about how detainees, largely held for their political or ethnic affiliations, are being held for months at a time, with no access to their families, lawyers or doctors.

Some families only heard where their relatives were after being informed by the Amnesty International delegation.

Detainees and former detainees explained how they were tortured with electricity or with molten plastic in order to extract confessions about their alleged participation in armed attacks. At least two of them died as a result of torture.

The Amnesty International delegation was able to meet all of Laurent Gbagbo’s relatives and aides held in five detention centres in the centre and north of the country. Some of them have been subjected to inhumane and degrading treatment.

One man told Amnesty International how he had been detained along with 27 other people in a 4 metre square cell with no sanitation for 49 days.

“We had to go to the toilet in bags. And we only had one meal a day which we were given at 2 or 3 pm. And we were only given one litre of water for 48 hours.”

Amnesty International has noted serious irregularities in the investigation of cases; the authorities have done very little to ensure fair hearings and have seriously undermined the right to a defence.

The report also documents the attack and destruction in July 2012 of a camp of internally displaced people largely from the Guéré ethic group, generally regarded as Gbagbo supporters, which led to the death of at least 14 people – although many more bodies are believed to have been dumped in wells.

The attack took place in Nahibly (near the town of Duékoué) in western Côte d’Ivoire, a region which has experienced some of the most serious human rights violations in the country. It was led by the Dozos – who are particularly active in the west – along with armed members of the local population and elements of the army.

“Some of the worst human rights violations of the 2011 conflict were carried out in Duékoué and it is appalling to see that the same perpetrators are committing the same violations and abuses against the same population, two years later,” said Mootoo. “Where is the justice in that?”

Noting the general failure of the authorities to ensure justice and reparation, Amnesty International is calling for an international commission of enquiry into this attack.

The organization is also calling on the Ivorian authorities to halt the human rights violations and abuses which continue to be committed with impunity by state agents or militias supported by the state.

“Justice is already long overdue for the people of Côte d’Ivoire, said Mootoo. “If measures are not put in place immediately to control the security forces, Côte d’Ivoire risks successive political crises, where national reconciliation becomes a long lost hope.”

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(Video) Nahibly After the Passage of Alassane Ouattara’s Death Squad, M. Frindéthié

NahiblyOn July 20, 2012, Alassane Dramane Ouattara’s ethnic militias, escorted by Ouattara’s army (FRCI) and some traditional Malinke hunters (Dozos), forced their way into the 5000-people refugee camp of Nahibly, burnt down 90% of the camp’s infrastructures, massacred 13 refugees and wounded scores of others, right under the noses of the UN blue berets. In the video below, two women who were able to escape the massacre are searching for their mother and children in the smoldering ashes of the ransacked camp.

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Cote d’Ivoire, Amnesty International Confirms: Rogue State, Human Right Abuses, Kidnapping, Unlawful Detentions, Extra-Judicial Executions

ABIDJAN- Amnesty International has reported today (10/26/2012) that more than 200 people, many of whom are followers of ex-Ivorian President Laurent Gbagbo, have “been arbitrarily detained and tortured” in Cote d’Ivoire. Amnesty International calls on Ouattara’s regime to stop paying lip service to respecting Human Rights and to actually take tangible steps to ceasing its human right abuses. The NGO has published its report at a moment when Ouattara’s administration is facing its most alarming wave of armed contestations in Abidjan since the end of the post-electoral crisis that has caused more than 3000 deaths between December 2010 and April 2011.

These attacks, which Ouattara’s interior minister attributed to President Gbagbo’s political party (FPI) without a shred of evidence, became a pretext for the Ouattara Regime to cast a haphazardly wide of indiscriminate arrests. “More than 200 political figures of President Gbagbo’s party as well as suspected supporters of President Gbagbo have been subjectively detained and tortured. Many more are still languishing in jail,” indicates Amnesty International in a communique that summarizes a month-long investigation in Cote d’Ivoire. “We were able to speak with dozens of detainees. They described for us how they were electrocuted and burnt with melted plastic. Two have them were sexually assaulted,” explains Gaetan Mootoo, a specialist of West Africa at Amnesty International.

“Many people were detained for several months without being allowed to contact their relatives or seek the counsel of an attorney,” Mootoo explains. He insists that recently more than 400 people have been arbitrarily arrested, which, according to some diplomatic sources, has prompted the foreign embassies in Cote d’Ivoire to send discreet but stern warnings to Ouattara.

“In Abidjan some victims of these unlawful imprisonments were able recover freedom only after paying hefty “ransoms” to Ouattara’s soldiers (FRCI).” Amnesty also mentions the case of a policeman arrested and interrogated by Ouattara’s FRCI in San Pedro last August who later died in the hands of his torturers. The Human Right Organization denounces the deliberate slowness with which the detained members of the previous administration—notably the previous First Lady—are processed. “There is no doubt that the current wave of arrests and repression indicates a desire for vendettas on the part of the present regime” Mootoo deplores. “It is high time Ouattara moved beyond mere promises and made respect for human rights part of his government’s priorities.”

The promised reform of the security apparatus has never been implemented. In the meantime the army is still largely overtaken by Ouattara’s lawless militias that continue to persecute the populations. Amnesty recalls the attack of the UN-run refugee camp of Nahibly last July by Ouattara’s soldiers. Though the official death count for this attack is 6, half-a-dozen other bodies have been retrieved from a well in mid-October, and the populations insist that they are many more dead bodies to be found. After the discovery of the six bodies, warrants have been issued for the arrest of 2 FRCI soldiers.

Source: AFP

Côte d’Ivoire : Amnesty International Confirme : Etat voyou, Arrestations arbitraires, enlèvements illégaux, rançonnements, tortures, exécutions extrajudiciaires

ABIDJAN, Plus de 200 personnes, dont des partisans de l`ex-président Laurent Gbagbo, ont été « arbitrairement détenues et torturées » en Côte d`Ivoire, a affirmé vendredi Amnesty International, appelant le pouvoir à « aller au-delà des promesses » sur le respect des droits de l`Homme. L`ONG publie ces informations alors que le gouvernement du président Alassane Ouattara est confronté depuis août à une vague d`attaques armées, notamment à Abidjan, qui ont accru les tensions comme jamais depuis la fin de la crise postélectorale (décembre 2010-avril 2011) ayant fait quelque 3.000 morts.

Ces attaques ont été attribuées par le pouvoir à des fidèles de l`ex-président, ce que l`opposition récuse, et suivies d`arrestations de figures du camp Gbagbo. « Plus de 200 personnes, dont des membres du Front populaire ivoirien (FPI), le parti de l`ancien président Laurent Gbagbo, ont été arbitrairement détenues et torturées et beaucoup croupissent toujours derrière les barreaux », déclare l`ONG dans un communiqué, au retour d`une mission d`un mois dans le pays. « Nous avons pu rencontrer des dizaines de détenus qui nous ont raconté comment ils avaient été torturés à l`électricité ou avaient subi des brûlures au plastique fondu, deux d`entre eux ont été victimes de sévices sexuels », explique Gaëtan Mootoo, chercheur sur l`Afrique de l`Ouest à Amnesty, cité dans le texte.

« Certains ont été détenus pendant plusieurs mois sans pouvoir contacter leurs proches ni accéder à des avocats », ajoute-t-il. Jusqu`à 400 personnes seraient ou auraient été récemment détenues de façon arbitraire, des dérives qui ont conduit des chancelleries à adresser officieusement des mises en garde au pouvoir, ont affirmé à l`AFP des sources diplomatiques et sécuritaires.

« Vengeance »

Certains prisonniers placés dans « des lieux de détention non-reconnus comme tels à Abidjan » ont été remis en liberté après le versement de « rançons » à des militaires des Forces républicaines (FRCI), rapporte l`organisation de défense des droits de l`Homme. Amnesty mentionne notamment le cas d`un policier arrêté par les FRCI en août à San Pedro (sud-ouest), « interrogé sur de récentes attaques » et « décédé des suites de torture ». L`ONG souligne également la lenteur des instructions visant des personnalités du régime déchu – notamment l`ex-Première dame Simone Gbagbo -détenues depuis un an et demi dans le nord du pays. « Nous craignons fortement que les arrestations et la répression en cours ne découlent d`une volonté de représailles et de vengeance », souligne M. Mootoo. « Il est grand temps » pour M. Ouattara d`aller au-delà des promesses et de placer le respect des droits humains au sommet des priorités de son gouvernement »,  conclut-il.

La réforme de l`appareil sécuritaire se fait toujours attendre, alors que l`armée est aujourd`hui largement dominée par les ex-rebelles pro-Ouattara, régulièrement accusés d`abus. Amnesty revient aussi sur l`attaque perpétrée en juillet contre le camp de déplacés de Nahibly, voisin de la ville de Duékoué (ouest) et qui abritait des membres de l`ethnie guéré, considérés comme pro-Gbagbo. L`attaque a fait officiellement six morts. Mais six corps ont été retirés mi-octobre d`un puits, qui selon des habitants sont ceux d`autres victimes. Une autopsie a été réalisée, dont les résultats n`ont pas encore été publiés. De nombreux témoins ont rapporté des « détentions arbitraires, des disparitions et des exécutions extrajudiciaires » après l`attaque menée « par des +dozos+ (chasseurs traditionnels qui sont une milice soutenue par l`Etat) et des membres des FRCI » contre ce camp gardé par l`ONU, souligne l`ONG. Après la découverte des six nouveaux corps, des mandats d`arrêt ont été lancés contre deux FRCI. Des habitants et des sources onusiennes soupçonnent l`existence d`autres fosses communes.

Source : AFP

There is a genocide going on in Cote d’Ivoire, Martial Frindéthié

Imagine an ethnic community run out of its villages, its fields, and its places of worship by a ruthless tribal army and a coldblooded ethnic militia supported by the government. Imagine thousands of children, youth, women, and elderly people from that autochthonous community mercilessly butchered by those ethnic legionnaires, who then occupy the homes, the lands, and the fields of their victims with the blessing of the government. Imagine the few remaining people from that persecuted community rounded up and parked in refugee camps by the United Nations, just a few yards from the places that used to be their villages, and which have now become the dwelling places of new settlers brought in by the tribal legionnaires. But even worse, imagine this: the brutal militias uncomfortable with facing the gazes of those they have deprived of their homes and lands decide to gradually get rid of them by undertaking unrestrained murderous incursions into the camps that shelter them, right under the incompetent watch of the UN forces that are theoretical protecting the banished populations.

This is no fiction. This is the lived reality of the people of Cote d’Ivoire, natives of Duékoué, now strangers, evacuees, and refugees in their own land, since April 2011, under the tribal regime of Dramane Ouattara, this presumptive “savior” of the Ivorians, the man for whose cause the “International Community” ordered a global firepower on Cote d’Ivoire on April 11, 2011. Here, on this site, we have repeatedly denounced the genocide, which reached its most feverish moment with the butchering on April 10, 2011, of more than 800 civilians by Ouattara’s army. Yet, the global powers that have supported Ouattara’s very problematic ascension still remain unmoved, as they have in Rwanda. To-day, more than 3000 have been killed by Ouattara’s ethnic militias.

The latest occurrence of the programmatic extermination of the took place on July 20, 2012, when Ouattara’s ethnic militias, escorted by Ouattara’s army (FRCI) and some traditional Malinke hunters (Dozos), forced their way into the 5000-people refugee camps of Nahibly, burnt down 90% of the camp’s infrastructures, massacred 13 refugees and wounded scores of others, right under the noses of the UN blue berets. The reason for this barbarous incursion? The Northern Malinke populations who had flocked to Duékoué on tacit invitation by Ouattara’s army to occupy the lands of the community after the April 10, 2011 massacre, had decided to conduct a punitive expedition against refugees whom they suspected of hiding a gang of robbers that had killed 4 innocent Malinke the previous night. So, escorted by Ouattara’s tribal armies, the Malinke raided the UN refugee camp in a killing frenzy.

Since the July 20 murderous incursion against the refugees, the United Nations’ mission in Cote d’Ivoire (UNOCI) and Ouattara’s government have been engaged in accountability ping pong: For UNOCI number 2 officer Arnauld Akodjénou, the security of the Nahibly camp should be the responsibility of Ouattara’s army, the very tribal army that was repeatedly cited by several human right organizations for carrying out carnages on the ; the very army that escorted the barbarous throng into the camp on July 20. For Ouattara’s defense minister, Paul Koffi Koffi, the camp was to be secured by UNOCI, the organization that saw the necessity for its conception.

This apparent lack of responsibility elucidation between Ouattara’s government and the United Nations mission in Cote d’Ivoire is actually the well-thought pièce maîtresse of the logic of organized chaos which, under the guise of ignorance of clear directives, gives Ouattara carte blanche to implement his political program based on what he unapologetically names “rattrapage ethnique,” a sort of Hitlerian cleansing project meant to privilege people of a certain ethnic background and eliminate those who do not fit the criteria of ethnic selection. Ouattara’s privileged are the Malinke populations from Northern Cote d’Ivoire, from whose bosom he has been claiming appurtenance since the 1990s, despite evidence to the contrary. The sickening complicity between Ouattara and the UNOCI has been abundantly documented here and elsewhere. It is now no secret that the UNOCI has supplied weapons and logistics to Ouattara’s militias during the Ivorian crisis; some blue berets were even caught on camera fighting alongside Ouattara’s army. In the thrust of this repulsive collusion, the UNOCI has certainly conceded to Ouattara that time is not yet ripe for a full-fledged hands-on society; that a necessary level of human right abuse and praetorian violence would be needed to rid the country of remaining “pro-Gbagbo fanatics;” which explains the UNOCI’s participation in the various raids on the western countryside presumably targeting Liberian mercenaries still fighting for Gbagbo, raids that have actually served as pretexts for “disinfecting the West of its population,” to use this imbecile allegory by Ouattara’s party leader Amadou Soumahoro.

So, this latest act of barbarity perpetrated against the is not a chance occurrence. It is an act that fits within Ouattara’s Hitlerian scheme, the aim of which is to exterminate the and colonize their lands with new populations. In doing so, Ouattara hopes to kill two birds with one stone. Firstly, he hopes to reward one of his greatest sponsors, Burkinabe dictator Blaise Compaoré, by making many Burkinabes the owners of the fertile cocoa belt of Cote d’Ivoire that has been the traditional dwelling place of the people. Being the custodian of productive lands and a seaport has always been the reverie of delusional Compaoré, who has never hidden his desire to annex the Ivorian seaport of San Pédro as a war trophy in the early 2000s. It is against the promise made by Ouattara to supply his constituencies with fertile lands in Cote d’Ivoire and allow him privileged access to the San Pédro seaport that Compaoré sent carloads of Burkinabes to rebel-held northern towns of Cote d’Ivoire before the 2010 presidential election to inflate the electoral list in favor of Ouattara. It is these Burkinabe who, henceforward outfitted with forged Ivorian documents and mixed with the original Northern populations of Cote d’Ivoire living in Duekoue, carry now the convenient appellation of Malinké. It is these smuggled populations from Burkina Faso that, Ouattara hopes, will help him reach out to his second goal of ensuring a 2015 electoral victory, as lingers the prospect of the collapse of the sucker alliance he passed with Konan Bedie’s PDCI.

Indeed, only one year after the political crisis that saw the deaths of tens of thousands of Ivorians, Ouattara’s government announced in June 2012 that the Ivorian population, which was around 20 million before the war, has now increased to 26 millions: a six-million population increase in only one year. Unbelievable! In fact, this fanciful indicator reflects the millions of Burkinabe that Ouattara and Compaore have smuggled into Cote d’Ivoire before the 2010 presidential elections, elections that have witnessed the most flagrant cases of massive frauds ever recorded in the 21st Century. In some areas where Ouattara scored more than 98%, the number of voters surpassed the actual population counts. Having blatantly cheated against Gbagbo, Ouattara has later cheated during the 2011 legislative elections against the other parties of the RHDP bloc with whom he had hitherto passed an alliance to “defeat” Gbagbo. Those parties, and especially Bedie’s PDCI and Anaky’s MFA, are set to break the alliance in 2015 and present their own candidates against Ouattara. Ouattara knows it. And to counter them, he has started habituated the Ivorian people to the lie that the country’s population has increased by six million people. Six million Burkinabe set to vote for him in 2015. Six million Burkinabe that Ouattara must reward for their services. Six millions Burkinabe that must be found fertile lands on the territories of those who were among the most fervent supporters of Gbagbo, the . Six million for whom the Wes must disappear from their ancestral lands. To accommodate the millions of Burkinabe who are progressively moving in to take the place of the , In order to accommodate these substitutes, Ouattara’s parliament is considering a land reform whose language will stipulate that the land belongs to he who enhances it. A running , a hiding , a that has surrendered his land for fear of being butchered is an absent , and certainly not a that is enhancing his land; whereas a present Burkinabe working on the ’s ancestral land is a Burkinabe, pardon, a Malinké that is enhancing the land. The land belongs to he who enhances it, not to he who flees from it. Ouattara’s programmatic extermination of the people has only started, and it will carry on unless …