(Dec. 1, 2010) The United Nations, the IMF, and the “Unholy Trinity of Waste, Fraud and Abuse”, M. Frindéthié

It is under kofi Annan, when he was Secretary General of the United Nations, that the split of Cote d’Ivoire between a rebel North and a constitutional South got sanctified. At the time, Kofi Annan was under pressure by the Bush administration to show patte blanche on the “oil for food” program and France needed to regain control of the richest French-speaking African country that was progressively distancing itself from Paris under President Gbagbo’s leadership. Chirac and Annan had something to give each other: Annan needed Paris’s support to fend the American onslaught and Chirac needed the United Nations to weaken Gbagbo. Annan’s/the UN’s sanctification of the Northern rebellion in Cote d’Ivoire tells a compelling story: While Africa should be proud of its sons of daughters who have “made it” on the global stage, on the other hand, Africa should remain extremely wary of the petite bourgeoisie that has been reared in the nurseries of such organizations as the United Nations, the World Bank, and the IMF, a petite bourgeoisie whose interests lie in the maintenance and continuance of Africa’s enslavement. In 1997 the world and Africa in particular greeted with much elation the appointment of the first sub–Saharan African, Ghanaian Kofi Annan, as head of the United Nations. Annan even received some praise and enthusiastic wishes of success from very unlikely supporters. Then senior vice president of the American Enterprise Institute, John R. Bolton, who would later become one of Annan’s fiercest critics, had this to say of Annan’s “win” over Tanzanian Salim A. Salim. “The winner, Kofi Annan, was certainly preferable to Salim. Virtually all Annan’s career has been within the UN system, frequently in management and personnel positions. Few know the “system” better than Annan. He is therefore in the best possible position to deliver on reform, for bureaucratic trials, jargon and obfuscation are not likely to distract him if he is engaged. From January 1, 1997, forward, the world can judge his performance.” Could it be that the “system” to which Bolton was referring was what Stefan Halper named the United Nations’ “unholy trinity of waste, fraud, and abuse,” for indeed the world got to judge Annan and the verdict was resoundingly depressing? Truly, “a kleptocratic culture of non-accountability at home was transferred to the world body.” Annan managed the United Nations as a traditional Ghanaian village chief would manage his family plantation, that is, with no regard to transparency and good governance, but rather with particular propensity for nepotism, dereliction, and corruption. Under Annan’s predecessor, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, corruption, which was rampant in the United Nations, was thought to have reached its peak. However, Annan, who had been waiting for years in the antechamber of power, in the shadow of Boutros-Ghali as under-secretary general of the United Nations, was going to prove the critics of his boss wrong even before he had his chance to preside over the destiny of this most money-hungry institution. In a feat of pathological perfectionism Annan was going to take corruption to its uppermost eruption and claim for himself the palm of the world’s shadiest official. For Annan, how better could he claim the center of capitalism than to accumulate capitalism’s most valued assets, that is, money? So, when under his auspices the United Nations had the opportunity to administer the Oil-for-Food program, a program with a capital five-fold the United Nations’ own budget, Annan sought illegal means to hoard as much as he could of these funds either directly or indirectly. Indeed, in the aftermath of the 1991 Gulf War, the United States had imposed a series of trade embargoes on the Saddam regime. However, as is well known, sanctions imposed on despots have generally been circumvented by the governing classes they are meant to squeeze and have usually brought hardships on the ordinary people. To prevent this pattern from repeating itself in Iraq, the sanctioning authority allowed Iraqi oil to be sold, provided that the takings of the sale should be managed by the United Nations and utilized to buy food and humanitarian supplies for the people of Iraq and to fix the destroyed infrastructures of the country. In 1996, Kofi Annan was charged by Boutros-Ghali to administer the Oil-for-Food program, which was spasmodic at the time. Among the expert brokers that Annan brought in to make the program effective were his own son Kojo Annan and infamous Robert Mugabe’s nephew Leo Mugabe. Within seven years, the Annan dream team for the management of the Oil-for-Food program was able to reorient and embezzle billions of dollars with the complicity of Saddam, and this grand theft “would have succeeded without a hitch had not Saddam Hussein’s regime been overthrown and the Oil-for-Food program been transferred in all its mysterious splendor to the U.S.-led coalition in Iraq.”Of the 67 billion dollars that the export of oil generated between 1996 and 2003, Annan’s head of humanitarian program, Benon Sevan, before retiring to his 1.5-million-dollar mansion in New York, was able to report “31 billion in supplies of food and medicine delivered to the Iraqi people, leaving $8.2 billion in humanitarian goods still to be delivered…. $3 billion had gone in development funds to rebuild Iraq.” What of the rest? Well, in this age of digitized information, the United Nations internal managers/investigators for the Oil-for-Food program were sorry to inform the world that with the bombing of Baghdad by the coalition troops, important documents pertaining to the program got lost—as if the headquarters of the United nations were located in Saddam’s personal palaces; as if the United Nations, this over-budgeted institution, were still keeping records on first-century scrolls. In fact, “[t]he Oil-for-Food scandal is a potent indictment of the way business is done at the UN Secretariat. It represents the ongoing impeachment of the UN system, a symbol of continuing massive corruption involving the theft of close to $11 billion in revenues…. In fact, this recent scandal is not an aberration at the UN. It forms part of a pattern that can be considered the norm.” Where else than at the United Nations, the World Bank, and the IMF, these cradles of world corruption, could the black slaver fulfill his dream of tending exponentially toward the glittering center of white bliss? Where else than there could he accumulate the fastest possible that which allows him to mark his difference from the bottom billion crouching in the rural poverties of Africa and Asia? Where else than there could he amass the necessary assets that would make him a modern man in the urban space, in the company of the white? Annan’s attitude is symptomatic of the black elites’ perfectionist superfluity. The African petite bourgeoisie reared within such world organizations as the UN or the IMF, affected by inferiority complex, and that “pander[s] to Western opinion.” is on a binge for praise. Alassane Ouattara belongs to that class of approval seekers, and he would do anything to please the West and to avoid the West’s reprimand. Laurent Gbagbo does not fit the mold of France’s black governors as represented by Bokassa, Bongo I, Compaoré, Biya, Nguesso or Ouattara. The latter has been exposed as a vile politician that is more concerned about protecting the interests of his imperialist masters than ensuring and safeguarding the welfare of the Ivorian people, a people that has vowed never to bend to the imperialist pressure. His multiple calls for a popular uprising since 2002 and his attempts at coups d’état have repeatedly failed. His Occidental masters, however, are resolute to put him on the throne in spite of the people’s resistance. This sets the stage for another African calamity.

Read more in K. Martial Frindéthié’s Globalization and the Seduction of Africa’s Ruling Class: An Argument for a New Philosophy of Philosophy (McFarland, 2010)

Cote d’Ivoire is a Lawless Zone of Human Rights Violations: The International Federation of Human Rights League Corroborates Amnesty International’s Accusations, Martial Frindéthié

The International Federation of Human Rights League has just released a report that corroborates Amnesty International conclusions charging the current regime in Cote d’Ivoire of kidnappings, illegal detentions, and tortures on hundreds of civilians considered to be followers of former President Laurent Gbagbo. Released just a few days after Amnesty International’s report, the latest conclusion by the International Federation of Human Rights League is one more damning censure of Alassane Ouattara’s brutal regime, which had previously been shielded from criticisms by the Sarkozy government, the Obama administration via the US Ambassador in Cote d’Ivoire (Philip Carter III), the US Ambassador to the United Nations (Susan Rice), and the United Nations.

Ouattara, who was installed by France and the United Nations after a bloody post-electoral crisis, had up to now been spared by major human right watch groups despite clear evidence that his troops regularly engage in some of the most atrocious mass killings of the modern age. A few weeks ago, United Nation workers uncovered mass graves believed to contain the bodies of young Wê men murdered when Ouattara’s troops (FRCI) and militias (Dozos) attacked a UN refugee’s camp last July.

For many people in Cote d’Ivoire, had they pressed Ouattara’s government sooner, these belated reports could have saved many lives. Many Ivorians believe that it is the attack on the UN-run Nahibly refugees’ camp that has broken the camel’s back and prompted major human rights organizations to finally recognize and condemn abuses by a regime that has now come to be known as that of the Butcher of Abidjan. Terror and human rights violations have always been the order of the day since Ouattara’s martial installation in Abidjan. It is high time that major human rights organization exposed the genocidal regime of Ouattara.

There is a genocide going on in Cote d’Ivoire, Martial Frindéthié

Imagine an ethnic community run out of its villages, its fields, and its places of worship by a ruthless tribal army and a coldblooded ethnic militia supported by the government. Imagine thousands of children, youth, women, and elderly people from that autochthonous community mercilessly butchered by those ethnic legionnaires, who then occupy the homes, the lands, and the fields of their victims with the blessing of the government. Imagine the few remaining people from that persecuted community rounded up and parked in refugee camps by the United Nations, just a few yards from the places that used to be their villages, and which have now become the dwelling places of new settlers brought in by the tribal legionnaires. But even worse, imagine this: the brutal militias uncomfortable with facing the gazes of those they have deprived of their homes and lands decide to gradually get rid of them by undertaking unrestrained murderous incursions into the camps that shelter them, right under the incompetent watch of the UN forces that are theoretical protecting the banished populations.

This is no fiction. This is the lived reality of the people of Cote d’Ivoire, natives of Duékoué, now strangers, evacuees, and refugees in their own land, since April 2011, under the tribal regime of Dramane Ouattara, this presumptive “savior” of the Ivorians, the man for whose cause the “International Community” ordered a global firepower on Cote d’Ivoire on April 11, 2011. Here, on this site, we have repeatedly denounced the genocide, which reached its most feverish moment with the butchering on April 10, 2011, of more than 800 civilians by Ouattara’s army. Yet, the global powers that have supported Ouattara’s very problematic ascension still remain unmoved, as they have in Rwanda. To-day, more than 3000 have been killed by Ouattara’s ethnic militias.

The latest occurrence of the programmatic extermination of the took place on July 20, 2012, when Ouattara’s ethnic militias, escorted by Ouattara’s army (FRCI) and some traditional Malinke hunters (Dozos), forced their way into the 5000-people refugee camps of Nahibly, burnt down 90% of the camp’s infrastructures, massacred 13 refugees and wounded scores of others, right under the noses of the UN blue berets. The reason for this barbarous incursion? The Northern Malinke populations who had flocked to Duékoué on tacit invitation by Ouattara’s army to occupy the lands of the community after the April 10, 2011 massacre, had decided to conduct a punitive expedition against refugees whom they suspected of hiding a gang of robbers that had killed 4 innocent Malinke the previous night. So, escorted by Ouattara’s tribal armies, the Malinke raided the UN refugee camp in a killing frenzy.

Since the July 20 murderous incursion against the refugees, the United Nations’ mission in Cote d’Ivoire (UNOCI) and Ouattara’s government have been engaged in accountability ping pong: For UNOCI number 2 officer Arnauld Akodjénou, the security of the Nahibly camp should be the responsibility of Ouattara’s army, the very tribal army that was repeatedly cited by several human right organizations for carrying out carnages on the ; the very army that escorted the barbarous throng into the camp on July 20. For Ouattara’s defense minister, Paul Koffi Koffi, the camp was to be secured by UNOCI, the organization that saw the necessity for its conception.

This apparent lack of responsibility elucidation between Ouattara’s government and the United Nations mission in Cote d’Ivoire is actually the well-thought pièce maîtresse of the logic of organized chaos which, under the guise of ignorance of clear directives, gives Ouattara carte blanche to implement his political program based on what he unapologetically names “rattrapage ethnique,” a sort of Hitlerian cleansing project meant to privilege people of a certain ethnic background and eliminate those who do not fit the criteria of ethnic selection. Ouattara’s privileged are the Malinke populations from Northern Cote d’Ivoire, from whose bosom he has been claiming appurtenance since the 1990s, despite evidence to the contrary. The sickening complicity between Ouattara and the UNOCI has been abundantly documented here and elsewhere. It is now no secret that the UNOCI has supplied weapons and logistics to Ouattara’s militias during the Ivorian crisis; some blue berets were even caught on camera fighting alongside Ouattara’s army. In the thrust of this repulsive collusion, the UNOCI has certainly conceded to Ouattara that time is not yet ripe for a full-fledged hands-on society; that a necessary level of human right abuse and praetorian violence would be needed to rid the country of remaining “pro-Gbagbo fanatics;” which explains the UNOCI’s participation in the various raids on the western countryside presumably targeting Liberian mercenaries still fighting for Gbagbo, raids that have actually served as pretexts for “disinfecting the West of its population,” to use this imbecile allegory by Ouattara’s party leader Amadou Soumahoro.

So, this latest act of barbarity perpetrated against the is not a chance occurrence. It is an act that fits within Ouattara’s Hitlerian scheme, the aim of which is to exterminate the and colonize their lands with new populations. In doing so, Ouattara hopes to kill two birds with one stone. Firstly, he hopes to reward one of his greatest sponsors, Burkinabe dictator Blaise Compaoré, by making many Burkinabes the owners of the fertile cocoa belt of Cote d’Ivoire that has been the traditional dwelling place of the people. Being the custodian of productive lands and a seaport has always been the reverie of delusional Compaoré, who has never hidden his desire to annex the Ivorian seaport of San Pédro as a war trophy in the early 2000s. It is against the promise made by Ouattara to supply his constituencies with fertile lands in Cote d’Ivoire and allow him privileged access to the San Pédro seaport that Compaoré sent carloads of Burkinabes to rebel-held northern towns of Cote d’Ivoire before the 2010 presidential election to inflate the electoral list in favor of Ouattara. It is these Burkinabe who, henceforward outfitted with forged Ivorian documents and mixed with the original Northern populations of Cote d’Ivoire living in Duekoue, carry now the convenient appellation of Malinké. It is these smuggled populations from Burkina Faso that, Ouattara hopes, will help him reach out to his second goal of ensuring a 2015 electoral victory, as lingers the prospect of the collapse of the sucker alliance he passed with Konan Bedie’s PDCI.

Indeed, only one year after the political crisis that saw the deaths of tens of thousands of Ivorians, Ouattara’s government announced in June 2012 that the Ivorian population, which was around 20 million before the war, has now increased to 26 millions: a six-million population increase in only one year. Unbelievable! In fact, this fanciful indicator reflects the millions of Burkinabe that Ouattara and Compaore have smuggled into Cote d’Ivoire before the 2010 presidential elections, elections that have witnessed the most flagrant cases of massive frauds ever recorded in the 21st Century. In some areas where Ouattara scored more than 98%, the number of voters surpassed the actual population counts. Having blatantly cheated against Gbagbo, Ouattara has later cheated during the 2011 legislative elections against the other parties of the RHDP bloc with whom he had hitherto passed an alliance to “defeat” Gbagbo. Those parties, and especially Bedie’s PDCI and Anaky’s MFA, are set to break the alliance in 2015 and present their own candidates against Ouattara. Ouattara knows it. And to counter them, he has started habituated the Ivorian people to the lie that the country’s population has increased by six million people. Six million Burkinabe set to vote for him in 2015. Six million Burkinabe that Ouattara must reward for their services. Six millions Burkinabe that must be found fertile lands on the territories of those who were among the most fervent supporters of Gbagbo, the . Six million for whom the Wes must disappear from their ancestral lands. To accommodate the millions of Burkinabe who are progressively moving in to take the place of the , In order to accommodate these substitutes, Ouattara’s parliament is considering a land reform whose language will stipulate that the land belongs to he who enhances it. A running , a hiding , a that has surrendered his land for fear of being butchered is an absent , and certainly not a that is enhancing his land; whereas a present Burkinabe working on the ’s ancestral land is a Burkinabe, pardon, a Malinké that is enhancing the land. The land belongs to he who enhances it, not to he who flees from it. Ouattara’s programmatic extermination of the people has only started, and it will carry on unless …

Ouattara’s Cote d’Ivoire: The Rogue State, Martial Frindéthié

In Cote d’Ivoire today, journalists and artists are fast becoming endangered species. A week ago, Gilles Tus-Ty AKA La Souris, a young rap artist from Cote d’Ivoire, was shot dead by Alassane Ouattara’s special police (FRCI). The official explanation is that he was the victim of a regrettable police blunder. In reality, his political engagement was becoming too deleterious among the young artists to the liking of the powers that be. This week, Reporters Sans Frontières (RSF) denounced the illegal incarceration of three journalists by the Ouattara autocracy. Their crime is to be from the opposition press and to dare to speak up against the plethora of abuses and savageries committed daily by Ouattara’s militia of hoodlums.

Ouattara’s assault on the freedom of the press comes after years of journalistic haven enjoyed by reporters under President Gbagbo, who had passed a law forbidding the imprisonment or intimidation of journalists for their opinions.  Today, under the dictatorship of Sarkozy’s protégé, any denunciation of the government’s lapses could amount to a death wish. Yet, not a single day goes by without women being raped, banks being robbed, or civilians being assassinated by Ouattara’s gangsters dressed in official garbs of law enforcers. In fact, the new United Nations representative to Cote d’Ivoire, Albert Koenders, has expressed his concerns that the legislative elections scheduled for December 2011 should be another occasion for Ouattara’s thugs to engage in wide-scale rape of women as was the case during the 2010 presidential election when Ouattara’s rebels killed thousands of voters and raped numerous women and children. Koenders has urged Ouattara’s government to take the appropriate measures to prevent another night of obscene bacchanalia forced on innocent populations. This is significant inasmuch as his predecessor, Jin Choi had denied any abuse by Ouattara’s rebels during the 2010 election in Cote d’Ivoire.

Ouattara seems either in no rush or incapable of addressing the question of the galloping criminality in the country caused mainly by his hoodlums in arms. The lawless rebels who put Ouattara in power seem to have also taken him in hostage. Last week, a spokesperson from Ouattara’s defense ministry begged his army to be “easy on the trigger” after a “soldier” shot a little boy in the face. As for Ouattara himself, his solution to the mounting crisis of criminality is one of dereliction of duty: Ouattara denies, as he once again did in Brussells this week, that criminality constitutes a serious problem in Cote d’Ivoire that has been made worst by the actions of his rogue army, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, he rounds up and incarcerates or simply eliminates the whistleblowers that condemn his impotence, especially journalists and artists. Ouattara has this propensity for the “final solution.” In Yamoussoukro, the political capital of Cote d’Ivoire, he ordered his “army” to round up all mentally disabled and hide them to the world … by any means necessary; so many things that point to the deliquescence of human rights in Cote d’Ivoire under the autocracy of Sarkozy’s poster boy. The hand that is silencing the press in Cote d’Ivoire is actually Sarkozy’s hand. It is the hand that seeks to quash any criticism of Sarkozy’s unlawful and savage military intervention in Cote d’Ivoire and its resulting consequences. This week, Sarkozy has delivered a huge supply of crowd control weapons to Ouattara in the midst of rumors about underground preparations for a population revolt in the country of the sort witnessed in Tunisia.

Does democracy have any chance in Libya? Martial Frindéthié

Gaddafi was captured alive by a frenzied Allah-vociferating mob of Libyan “revolutionaries” after NATO airplanes attacked his convoy and cut short his escape. Gadafi was then shot and killed execution style by that throng. There is no doubt about it. One of his executioners, a bearded-man in full combat apparel, admitted it, in intelligible English, while responding to the questions of a TV reporter: “We caught him and we shot him … one guy shot him.” This happened just seconds after Gaddafi was slaughtered. So, the NTC official’s explanation of the circumstances of Gaddafi’s death reeks of shameless lies, and the United Nations’ call for an investigation to find out the circumstances of the Libyan leader’s death is merely a melodramatic contortion, especially when it is proven that the UN has never been able to lead any investigation to conclusion.

Gaddafi’s execution after his capture and the fact that his body is presently on display in a circus-like carnival in Misrata for old and very young to taunt are indications of the true genealogical spirit of the Libyan new found “democracy.” The signatories of the Libyan “democracy” have just revealed the measure of their “independence.” It is couched in human right abuse and lawlessness. We have to be intellectually honest and ask ourselves whether a democracy that has lynching at its very foundation is a sustainable democracy. Is it not rather the fact that the moral urgency of such a democracy is already thwarted by its very performativity?

The time will come when Ouattara will face the justice of the Ivorian people, M. Frindéthié

We will never tire of denouncing it: The United Nations in Cote d’Ivoire and the French Licorne Force have armed and fought on the side of the lawless rebels against a legally elected government. In fact, it is the UN and France that have repeatedly and for days bombed the city of Abidjan, killed 2707 unarmed young people camping at the Presidential Palace in protest against the UN and France’s illegal military intervention, and finally captured and delivered the Ivorian President to the rebels by breaking through a tunnel that since the 1960s had linked the Palace to the French Embassy in Cote d’Ivoire. It is also UN and French helicopters that have transported and deployed the rebels at strategic sites during their lightening advance on Abidjan.

In their progress toward Abidjan, Ouattara’s rebels have massacred tens of thousands of President Gbagbo’s supporters while UN officers have stood by and watched unmoved. Even worse, the “international community” continued to assail President Gbagbo and his supporters, accusing them of war crimes as they were being slaughtered by Ouattara’s coalition. This perception of international impunity has emboldened Ouattara, who now calls for an international trial against President Gbagbo, at the same time as his death squad is perpetrating selective ethnic and religious cleansing and executing scholars, clergymen, journalists, lawyers, and youths in Cote d’Ivoire.   

Today, Amnesty International is pointing the finger at the United Nations for failing to prevent the carnage of Ouattara’s troops, deploring how “Hundreds of people have been killed illegally, often solely on the basis of ethnic or political affiliations alleged. Women and girls were victims of sexual violence, including rape, and hundreds of thousands people were forced to flee their homes.” And the United Nations is mounting a defense non-interference or of deflection, passing the blame, instead, on Liberian mercenaries allegedly hired by President Gbagbo.

Ouattara’s crimes against humanity are too conspicuous to be simply pushed under the rug; so conspicuous that even NGOs that had hitherto participated in his messianic carnival are now scurrying away from him lest they should be splattered by the blood of his butchery. Ouattara must be brought in front of an Ivorian tribunal—as we have no more faith in the corrupt international tribunal—in order to respond to the massacres of Ivorians he organized through the organized collusion of his rogue army, France and the United Nations. It is obvious that the conditions are not yet propitious to Ouattara’s trial, as his death squad is presently on a mission of opposition silencing. Nevertheless, time will ineluctably come when Ouattara and his executioners will face the justice of the people of Cote d’Ivoire.

From Lumumba to Gbagbo: Difference or Repetition? The United Nations have just transferred President Gbagbo to Rebel Chief Ouattara’s stronghold, just as the UN had transferred Lumumba to his enemies in Katanga. The Similarity is not coincidental; an international assassination is in preparation, M. Frindéthié


A Cursory Comparative/Contrastive (PowerPoint) Analysis of Lumumba and Gbagbo’s Fight for the Emancipation of Africa


Cote d’Ivoire: UNOCI Dodges Journalist’s Questions on Ouattara’s Human Right Abuses, M. Frindéthié

Ban Ki-Moon

Not a single day passes by without UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon or his special representative in Cote d’Ivoire, Jin Choi, making claims of human right abuses by President Laurent Gbagbo’s camp. On the other hand, not a single time has Ban Ki-Moon or his representative reported, let alone condemned, a single crime from the Ouattara camp. And yet, it is a documented fact that every day bodies of Gbagbo’s supporters are found in back alleys or in ditches. Yet, it is a documented fact that every day soldiers of the Ivorian Defense Forces are ambushed and shot or burnt alive in their homes with their families. It is a documented fact that villages of pro-Gbagbo supporters are wiped out of the map and their populations killed, raped or forced to exodus. Obviously, Gbagbo is not ambushing his own army or roasting his own supporters. Ouattara’s operatives are. So, why are the UN and the so-called “international community” so mute about Ouattara’s war crimes and human right abuses? This is a question that Inner City Press’s Matthew Russell Lee put to UN spokesperson Nesirky at the March 27 UN briefing in New York. The answer, of course, came in the form of another shameless, vague, UN-specific acrobatic exploit and frosty use of passive voice and impersonal pronoun: “Any human rights abuses on either side would need investigating and should be condemned. And if I have any further information on that I would let you know.” There’s no doubt that one will never hear from Ban Ki-Moon, Jin Choi or Nesirky about any wrongdoing by Ouattara. On the other hand, we will keep hearing false allegations on Gbagbo by Ban Ki-Moon … like the report on the helicopters he allegedly purchased from Eastern Europe, which turned out to be a fat lie … like the 7 women his soldiers allegedly shot in Abobo, which turned out to be a staging meant to mystify the “international community” … like the attack helicopter he is allegedly repairing in the military wing of Abidjan Airport, which as usual will turn out to be another lie by a UN mission that has weaved so thick a web of lies around the crisis in Cote d’Ivoire that it can only keep lying … and lying.

Was President Zuma’s display of force in Abidjan necessary? M. Frindéthié

Landing in Abidjan last Monday in order to take part in the post-electoral crisis resolution mission assigned by the African Union to a five-president panel, President Jacob Zuma arrived with an impressive South African security force that occasioned much controversy. Why did President Zuma need to exhibit such a demonstration of force in Cote d’Ivoire? Why not? I dare ask. For years now French soldiers patrolling the streets of Abidjan in their sub-standard tanks under the pretext that their compatriots’ lives were in danger in Cote d’Ivoire have been traumatizing the Ivorian populations without causing the slightest shudder within the “international community.” A number of French war ships have been naturally stationed in the Ivorian national waters, as if Cote d’Ivoire was a French overseas department. This French arrogance has finally exasperated South Africa who considers that Africans, and not Westerners, are to solve African problems. In fact, the South African foreign minister had unabashedly criticized the insulting intrusive posture of Western leaders in Africa. South Africa is in Africa; which sometimes leads some psychologically unstable observers both in the northern and southern hemispheres to forget that South Africa is a world economic and military power. Nigeria, another African country which could have played a respectable role in the world by projecting a dignified image of Africa, has been too prompt to offer an imbecile smile of submission to the West, going so far as to bend over and pull down its pants for the West. Zuma has decided to show to arrogant and pretentious Europe as well as to the Africa of slave mentality that the continent is not inhabited by cowards and modern Senegalese sharpshooters only. And to make his point, the South African president warned Sarkozy, who had invited himself at the latest African Union summit, not to make any unbecoming reference to the Ivorian dossier, lest he should face an appropriate public rejoinder. So the “twitchy of the Elysée,” usually so insolent and tactless, took good note of Zuma’s advice and avoided speaking of Cote d’Ivoire despite his unbearable longing to do so. And so, in a gesture of reciprocity, South Africa has positioned a war ship in the waters of Cote d’Ivoire, despite the lamentations of the French who seem to believe that they are entitled to more prerogatives in Africa than the Africans themselves. And, as if to caution the Hexagon that this time, proud sons and daughters of Africa would not remain on the sideline and watch French Force Licorne reiterate the performance of French Operation Turquoise during the Rwandan genocide, Zuma showcased a small, oh yes, just a very small potential of the South African military machine made in South Africa; which did not fail to make an impact on the French occupation army in Cote d’Ivoire. Besides, Zuma was well-inspired to bring in his own security force, for neither Ouattara’s rebel-army nor the UN corrupt army of tourists would have lifted a finger to protect him from Ouattara’s barking hooligans at the Golf Hotel who wanted the South African president much harm for allegedly supporting President Gbagbo.     

The United Nations Organization Has discredited itself and Should Simply Cease to Exist, M. Frindéthié

For long, the world has known of the United Nations Organization’s functionaries’ propensity for pedophilia, rape, lies, corruption and frauds.

In December 2004, Kofi Annan was forced to admit that UN staffers were sexually exploiting war refugees. This admission was only the tip of the iceberg of what used to happen in places like Kosovo, Guinea, Sierra Leone, Haiti, and Liberia. In the Congo, for instance, UN staffers and so-called “peacekeepers” have been indexed in more than 150 cases of sexual exploitation and rape of young girls and women. In that same country, a French UN staffer was caught shooting commercial pornographic movies using the very vulnerable feminine population he was supposed to be protecting. Some of his “actresses” were as young as 12 years old. In Kisangani, more than 140 young girls have been impregnated by UN “peacekeepers.” In war-torn places, UN staffers have been known to allure famished little girls with Mayonnaise jars and then rape them. The UN path in vulnerable countries is littered with hundreds of cases of rape, forced prostitution, and pedophilia.

In Rwanda, Boutros Boutros-Ghali admitted his role in supplying the Hutus with more than $5 million—though the figures are said to approximate $26 million–in mortar bombs, rocket launchers, grenades and ammunition to conduct their genocide of the Tutsis. In 1997, in Somalia, UN troops got a mere light slap on the wrist for roasting a Somali boy (they were fined a few hundred pounds) or got no punishment at all for other acts of “sadism and torture.” The path of the United Nations Organization is littered with crimes against humanity and Genocides.

Boutros-Ghali was illustrious for his corruptibility. However, his successor, Kofi Annan, took kleptocracy to its summit, embezzling, with the help of his son Kojo, more than no one before him had ever embezzled in the oil for food program. The path of the United Nations Organization is littered with lies, corruption, and theft.

In Cote d’Ivoire, today, the United Nations Organization is arming and fighting side by side with a rebel army. The United Nations Organization is backing a rebel chief whose outlaws attacked a legally elected government in 2002. The United Nations Organization is participating in election frauds. The United Nations Organization is using its helicopters to supply a rebel chief and his band of criminals with food, weapons and prostitutes. The United Nations Organization is calling for international financial and trade establishments to asphyxiate the economy of a sovereign country, urging them to stop all commercial activities with that country. The United Nations Organization is conducting a witch hunt and McCarthyism by publicizing a blacklist of names supplied by a rebel group whose recent past is plagued with rapes, murders and mutilations of civilians. The United Nations Organization is aiming at and shooting unarmed civilians and running to the Security Council to pass for the victims. As in the days of colonization, the United Nations Organization is raising an army of Africans sharpshooters to attack the people of Cote d’Ivoire, create a new disaster zone and invite itself back as crisis management expert.

The United Nations Organization is indefensible. The United Nations Organization has zero credibility. Since the second European War, the United Nations Organization has never successfully resolved a conflict. The United Nations Organization is a criminal organization mostly staffed with immoral, vacillating, and profit-driven workers. The United Nations Organization should simply cease to exist.