War Criminals Among Us: Bush, Cheney, and the Eyes of the World

landscape-1433183744-gwbcheneyLast week, Richard Clarke, the man to whom nobody in the administration of C-Plus Augustus listened because what did he know, anyway?, had a chat with Amy Goodman in which he minced no words regarding his former employers.

« I think things that they authorized probably fall within the area of war crimes. Whether that would be productive or not, I think, is a discussion we could all have. But we have established procedures now with the International Criminal Court in The Hague, where people who take actions as serving presidents or prime ministers of countries have been indicted and have been tried. So the precedent is there to do that sort of thing. And I think we need to ask ourselves whether or not it would be useful to do that in the case of members of the Bush administration. It’s clear that things that the Bush administration did — in my mind, at least, it’s clear that some of the things they did were war crimes. »

And, something that most of us missed, there was a court on the other side of the world that agreed.

In what is the first ever conviction of its kind anywhere in the world, the former US President and seven key members of his administration were… found guilty of war crimes. Bush, Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld and their legal advisers Alberto Gonzales, David Addington, William Haynes, Jay Bybee and John Yoo were tried in absentia in Malaysia…At the end of the week-long hearing, the five-panel tribunal unanimously delivered guilty verdicts against Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld and their key legal advisors who were all convicted as war criminals for torture and cruel, inhumane and degrading treatment. Full transcripts of the charges, witness statements and other relevant material will now be sent to the Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court, as well as the United Nations and the Security Council.

At the very least, this court parceled out the blame for the torture program in a fair manner and all the way up the chain of command. The testimony of the victims was as horrible as you might expect:

The court heard how Abbas Abid, a 48-year-old engineer from Fallujah in Iraq had his fingernails removed by pliers; Ali Shalal was attached with bare electrical wires and electrocuted and hung from a wall; Moazzam Begg was beaten, hooded and put in solitary confinement, Jameelah was stripped and humiliated, and was used as a human shield whilst being transported by helicopter. The witnesses also detailed how they have residual injuries till today.

In related news, Ed Kilgore notes that Cheney continues to glory in his status as the most inexcusable American who ever lived. It’s like giving Pol Pot a late-night TV gig.

At times, Mr. Cheney seems to relish his villainous public persona. Outside the rodeo arena, he took a moment to show off the latest feature on his truck, a Darth Vader trailer-hitch cover, a nod to his alter-ego from the Bush days. « I’m rather proud of that, » he said, flashing his signature uneven grin.

To paraphrase Rick Blaine, I don’t object to a vampire, I object to a gutless one. I’ll buy the stake if someone else buys the garlic.

By Charles P. Pierce

Source: http://www.esquire.com/news-politics/politics/news/a35397/bush-cheney-war-crimes/

(Video) Nahibly After the Passage of Alassane Ouattara’s Death Squad, M. Frindéthié

NahiblyOn July 20, 2012, Alassane Dramane Ouattara’s ethnic militias, escorted by Ouattara’s army (FRCI) and some traditional Malinke hunters (Dozos), forced their way into the 5000-people refugee camp of Nahibly, burnt down 90% of the camp’s infrastructures, massacred 13 refugees and wounded scores of others, right under the noses of the UN blue berets. In the video below, two women who were able to escape the massacre are searching for their mother and children in the smoldering ashes of the ransacked camp.


Related articles:







Cote d’Ivoire: The International Criminal Court’s unenthusiastic Late Awakening, M. Frindéthié

ICC prosecutor Ocampo japing around with war-criminal-buddy Alassane Ouattara in 2011

Alassane Dramane Ouattara, Soro Kigbafori Guillaume, and Nicolas Sarkozy are war criminals. For 12 months now we have been publishing the evidence of their crimes in Cote d’Ivoire. The evidence of their crimes is overwhelming. Yet we doubt that they will ever be brought to justice. Luis Moreno Ocampo, the ICC prosecutor, has been in bed with these killers for too long, and his credibility as an impartial justice broker has been too heavily compromised for him or any one of his colleagues to lead an objective investigation on the crimes of his buddies.

ICC prosecutor Ocampo joking around with war-criminal-buddy Soro Guillaume

This is why, when after a full year’s tergiversation and reckless dereliction of duty the ICC decides to finally investigate Ouattara’s and Soro’s crimes in Cote d’Ivoire (not even any mention of Sarkozy’s army helicopters that bombed unarmed youths camping on the ground of the Ivorian presidential Palace on April 11, 2011), we still doubt that anything close to justice can ever result from the ICC’s theatrics.

Ocampo/the ICC is not in Cote d’Ivoire on own volition. Ocampo/the ICC would have rather stopped his investigation in Cote d’Ivoire with his half-done inquest resulting in his inexplicable deportation of President Gbagbo to The Hague. Ocampo said it himself during his painful interview on Al Jazeera (see here http://www.aljazeera.com/video/africa/2011/12/2011125201512161282.html) where he blatantly confessed that President Gbagbo was his only target; President Gbagbo was captured; and so there was no need for him to carry on his inquest.

On April 11, 2011, Sarkozy ordered French Army helicopters to drop bombs on unarmed Ivorian youths camping on the grounds of the Ivorian Presidential Palace to prevent the capture of President Gbagbo

The ICC is returning to Cote d’Ivoire today, this time to investigate the massacres ordered by Ouattara and Soro in Duekoue (West of Cote d’Ivoire). This comes a year after evidence, hitherto so overwhelmingly fresh and available, has decomposed and faded, and many witnesses have disappeared. Why now? Why so late? It is simply because the ICC has been dragged back to Cote d’Ivoire kicking and screaming by our and others’ relentless denunciations of Ocampo’s professional slackness.

Duekoue is not the only site of Ouattara and Soro’s war crimes, though perhaps the place where evidence could still be saved. For, what about Bouake and the 60 unsuspecting militaries and their innocent families brutally awakened in the middle of the night and slaughtered by Ouattara’s rebels in September 19, 2002, at the inception of Ouattara’s bloody insurgence? What about the women dancers of Adjanou raped and slaughtered by Ouattara’s rebel army? What about the hundreds of youths killed by suffocation in a 40-foot container in Bouake? What about the hundreds of pregnant women disemboweled by Ouattara’s rebels in Bouake? What about the scores of villages of President Gbagbo’s supporters burnt down and their populations massacred by Ouattara’s forces? What about …?

Women slaughtered by Alassane Ouattara’s rebel army

The International Criminal Court unenthusiastic investigation of the crimes of Alassane Dramane Ouattara and Soro Guillaume a year later, five years later, ten years later lacks conviction. We have not the slightest confidence in this modern Plantation Court that functions according to ideological currents.

The time will come when Ouattara will face the justice of the Ivorian people, M. Frindéthié

We will never tire of denouncing it: The United Nations in Cote d’Ivoire and the French Licorne Force have armed and fought on the side of the lawless rebels against a legally elected government. In fact, it is the UN and France that have repeatedly and for days bombed the city of Abidjan, killed 2707 unarmed young people camping at the Presidential Palace in protest against the UN and France’s illegal military intervention, and finally captured and delivered the Ivorian President to the rebels by breaking through a tunnel that since the 1960s had linked the Palace to the French Embassy in Cote d’Ivoire. It is also UN and French helicopters that have transported and deployed the rebels at strategic sites during their lightening advance on Abidjan.

In their progress toward Abidjan, Ouattara’s rebels have massacred tens of thousands of President Gbagbo’s supporters while UN officers have stood by and watched unmoved. Even worse, the “international community” continued to assail President Gbagbo and his supporters, accusing them of war crimes as they were being slaughtered by Ouattara’s coalition. This perception of international impunity has emboldened Ouattara, who now calls for an international trial against President Gbagbo, at the same time as his death squad is perpetrating selective ethnic and religious cleansing and executing scholars, clergymen, journalists, lawyers, and youths in Cote d’Ivoire.   

Today, Amnesty International is pointing the finger at the United Nations for failing to prevent the carnage of Ouattara’s troops, deploring how “Hundreds of people have been killed illegally, often solely on the basis of ethnic or political affiliations alleged. Women and girls were victims of sexual violence, including rape, and hundreds of thousands people were forced to flee their homes.” And the United Nations is mounting a defense non-interference or of deflection, passing the blame, instead, on Liberian mercenaries allegedly hired by President Gbagbo.

Ouattara’s crimes against humanity are too conspicuous to be simply pushed under the rug; so conspicuous that even NGOs that had hitherto participated in his messianic carnival are now scurrying away from him lest they should be splattered by the blood of his butchery. Ouattara must be brought in front of an Ivorian tribunal—as we have no more faith in the corrupt international tribunal—in order to respond to the massacres of Ivorians he organized through the organized collusion of his rogue army, France and the United Nations. It is obvious that the conditions are not yet propitious to Ouattara’s trial, as his death squad is presently on a mission of opposition silencing. Nevertheless, time will ineluctably come when Ouattara and his executioners will face the justice of the people of Cote d’Ivoire.